Eastern Front Prelude #0.8 The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact

The Eastern Front Week by Week

Last time we spoke about the Spanish Civil War. In the backdrop of 1930s Spain, a storm brews as political tensions peak following the abdication of King Alfonso 13th. The establishment of the Second Spanish Republic ignites hopes of reform among the progressive populace but alienates conservative factions. This polarization breeds violence, with the left, led by socialists and anarchists, clashing with monarchists and fascists. In July 1936, a military coup, spearheaded by General Francisco Franco, sparks the Spanish Civil War. As battles rage, international powers intervene, with Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy backing Franco, while the Soviet Union supports the Republicans. Amidst brutal conflict, notable events unfold, like the devastating bombing of Guernica, which embodies the war's horrors and ignites global outrage. By 1939, after years of ferocious fighting, Franco emerges victorious, establishing a dictatorship that endures for decades, forever altering Spain's trajectory. The war, a precursor to WWII, becomes a haunting reminder of the cost of ideological battles.

This episode is Prelude #8 The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact

Well hello there, welcome to the Easter Front week by week podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about world war two? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on world war two and much more so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel you can find a few videos all the way from the Opium Wars of the 1800’s until the end of the Pacific War in 1945.

Hello again, today we are diving into the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact and the events right before the outbreak of WW2! Since its establishment, the Soviet Union was apprehensive about the possibility of German revanchism. This concern intensified when Hitler rose to prominence and seized power in the early 1930s. Stalin emphasized that the Soviets would strive to overcome the country’s diplomatic isolation, particularly concerning France and the United Kingdom, which had been allies during World War I. He urged them to acknowledge the new European security landscape under Hitler's regime and sought to revive the Triple Entente, encouraging Britain and France to engage in negotiations on this issue. Basically it was a large case of the enemies of my enemy are my friends.

By 1935, it was evident to everyone in the Soviet Union that multilateral treaties were essential for effectively deterring Hitler's expansionist ambitions. The Soviet Foreign Minister, Maxim Litvinov, worked tirelessly to forge a mutual defense pact with France. This task proved challenging, particularly due to political opportunists in France who seized the negotiations as an opportunity to portray the Soviets as the real threat to peace in Europe. Ultimately, the treaty was signed on May 2, 1935, and established a mutual defense agreement between the Soviet Union and France. It was intended to provide support in case of an attack by Germany or any other aggressor. The treaty aimed to bolster France's security and form a united front against fascism in Europe. However, it lacked specific military commitments and was often seen as more symbolic than practical. The French, lacking enthusiasm, diluted the treaty by stipulating that commitments to the Soviet Union would only become obligatory after the League of Nations was formally involved and the other signatories of the Treaty of Locarno had been consulted. Essentially, it amounted to a hollow promise of support. The Soviets were undeterred by this setback. Following the Soviet-French treaty, the Soviet Union and Czechoslovakia signed their own mutual assistance treaty on May 16, 1935. This agreement committed the Soviet Union to support Czechoslovakia in the event of an attack, offering military assistance and cooperation. The treaty aimed to strengthen Czech defenses, particularly against German expansionism. However the treaty was ultimately weakened when France and the United Kingdom pressured Czechoslovakia into accepting Germany's terms during the Sudetenland crisis.

As I mentioned in a previous episode, prior to the annexation, Czechoslovakia had built a robust system of fortifications along its borders, particularly in the Sudetenland. The Czechoslovak defensive strategy relied heavily on this region's fortifications, which were among the most advanced in Europe at that time. With a mountainous landscape, the Sudetenland provided an excellent defensive position, enabling Czechoslovak forces to monitor and potentially repel any German advances. However, the Sudetenland also hosted a significant German-speaking population that fostered a sense of discontent and irredentism. Adolf Hitler exploited these sentiments, claiming to protect ethnic Germans and leveraging them as a pretext for invasion. Hitler's aggressive diplomacy culminated in the Munich Agreement of September 1938, where Britain and France acquiesced to Germany's demands, effectively allowing the annexation of the Sudetenland without Czechoslovak involvement.

With the Sudetenland's annexation, Czechoslovakia lost its most fortified and defensible borders. The mountainous terrain, which had offered protection, was now directly exposed to German military advances. The surrender of the Sudetenland led to a massive decline in morale among the Czechoslovak military and the population. Many Czechoslovaks felt betrayed by the Western powers, leading to a lack of national unity that hindered cohesive resistance efforts. The annexation diminished Czechoslovakia's industrial capacity, as many of its weapon production facilities were located in the Sudetenland. This negatively impacted the country’s ability to maintain and supply its military. The Munich Agreement also indicated to Czechoslovakia that it could not rely on its allies, Britain and France, for support, leading to increased isolation. In turn this feeling of abandonment discouraged any serious mutual defense aligned with other Eastern and Central European nations. As a means of survival Czechoslovakia began aligning itself with Germany. In turn Germany desperately needed Czechoslovakia armament capabilities.

Czechoslovakia maintained a modern army comprising 35 divisions and was a key producer of machine guns, tanks, and artillery, primarily manufactured at the Škoda factory in Plzeň. Many Czech factories continued to create their own designs before transitioning to German specifications. Czechoslovakia was home to several prominent manufacturing companies, and entire steel and chemical production facilities were relocated and reconstructed in Linz, a region that remains heavily industrialized in Austria. In a Reichstag speech, Hitler emphasized the strategic significance of the occupation, highlighting that Germany acquired 2,175 field cannons, 469 tanks, 500 anti-aircraft artillery pieces, 43,000 machine guns, 1,090,000 military rifles, 114,000 pistols, approximately one billion rounds of ammunition, and three million anti-aircraft shells by occupying Czechoslovakia. This vast arsenal was enough to equip around half of the Wehrmacht at that time. Czechoslovak arms later played a crucial role in Germany's invasions of Poland in 1939 and France in 1940.

All of this left the Soviets without justification to intervene and save the nation, even if Stalin had genuinely wanted to act. Although the Soviet Union claimed they were ready to assist Czechoslovakia in its resistance, it was evident that there was no feasible way to do so. Geographic constraints meant that without Poland's consent, Soviet troops could not reach Czechoslovakia. The Polish government resisted the pressure to grant this permission due to valid concerns about Soviet intentions toward Polish territory. At this point, it remains unclear whether the Soviets had any hostile designs. However, their later ambition to annex parts of Poland and fully integrate the country into the Soviet sphere was evident in the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact of 1939, which we will address later. Poland’s refusal to allow Soviet forces passage through its land ultimately sealed Czechoslovakia’s fate, representing a significant failure in negotiations to include the Soviet Union in a collective defense pact following the Czechoslovak crisis.

The Munich Conference, led some of the western powers to naively believe Hitler was content and that Czechslvakia represented his final territorial aspirations in Europe. He would violate this promise within mere months however. It was during this time that France and Britain recognized the true threat posed by Hitler. By March 1939, they concluded that the Soviet Union was crucial for effectively deterring further German expansion under Hitler. However, this did not mean that the Triple Entente of 1914 was restored; in fact, the opposite occurred. The British and French governments delayed diplomatic discussions until a military agreement could be reached. Under General Gamelin, the French military would be the primary beneficiaries of an alliance with the Soviets. The French army would once again bear the brunt of the conflict in Western Europe, just as it had in World War I. The Red Army was at least comparable to the French army in terms of numbers, and its involvement in the fight could mean the difference between a desperate last stand and a viable operational strategy capable of defeating the Wehrmacht. The French military and government recognized this clearly, and it was the foundation of their strategy of appeasement toward Hitler. Despite this understanding, General Gamelin did not advocate for the military discussions that his political superiors insisted should happen first. In April, the British and French governments issued unilateral declarations to ensure Polish sovereignty. They urged the Soviet Union to do the same, but Stalin and Foreign Minister Litvinov were wary of being drawn into a conflict against the Germans while the Allies remained passive.

Stalin was also wary of Britain and Frances intentions and extremely eager to secure the Soviet Union's borders. Within this conundrum, Stalin sought out non-aggression pacts as a means to avoid direct conflict with Germany. It was the failure of the Anglo-Franco-Soviet negotiations in 1939 for a collective security agreement against Nazi Germany that further pushed Stalin towards a rapprochement with Hitler. Negotiations for what would be known as the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact began in the summer of 1939. The main architects of the agreement were German Foreign Minister Joachim von Ribbentrop and his Soviet counterpart Vyacheslav Molotov. A little bit about these two figures. Ribbentrop was born into a wealthy family in Hamburg on April 30, 1893. His father was a prosperous merchant. He pursued studies in a variety of disciplines but ultimately joined the family liquor business. Despite a relatively comfortable upbringing, he harbored ambitions that would lead him into the political arena. Ribbentrop’s path shifted dramatically with the outbreak of World War I. He enlisted in the Imperial German Army and served as an officer. His wartime experiences and the social changes that followed the war deeply influenced his political ideology. After the war, he returned to Germany and attempted to rebuild his career in business, but his focus eventually turned towards politics. In the early 1920s, Ribbentrop became involved with the nationalist and conservative movements in Germany. He joined the German National People's Party (DNVP) and began to associate with influential political figures, gradually aligning himself with the National Socialist German Workers' Party. His connections in high society and business circles helped him gain a foothold within the Nazi Party.

By the late 1920s, Ribbentrop had established himself as a prominent member of the Nazi Party, known for his persuasive oratory and ambitious nature. In 1929, he was appointed the Nazi Party's foreign policy advisor, a critical role that allowed him to develop his diplomatic skills and contacts. Ribbentrop’s first significant diplomatic achievement was in 1934 when he negotiated a non-aggression pact with Poland. This agreement marked a turning point in Germany's foreign relations, leading to a temporary thaw in diplomatic ties. His success in this endeavor elevated his reputation within the party. In 1936, he was appointed as Germany’s ambassador to Great Britain, where he attempted to foster diplomatic relations and convince British leaders of Nazi Germany's intentions. In 1938, Ribbentrop was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs, taking over from Konstantin von Neurath. As Foreign Minister, he played a crucial role in shaping Nazi Germany’s foreign policy. He was a staunch advocate of aggressive expansionist policies and was instrumental in the signing of various pacts that would solidify Germany’s alliances, including the Munich Agreement, which allowed for the annexation of Sudetenland from Czechoslovakia.

Molotov, born as Vyacheslav Mikhailovich Skryabin, came from a modest background and pursued education in law. He became politically active in the Bolshevik faction of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party in the early 20th century. After the October Revolution of 1917, he rose through the ranks of the Communist Party, gaining a reputation for his organizational skills and loyalty to the party line. In the 1920s, Molotov distinguished himself as an adept politician while serving in various government positions. He became a member of the Soviet government’s Council of People's Commissars and was appointed Chairman of the Council in 1930, effectively becoming the de facto head of the Soviet government. Molotov was instrumental in implementing the First Five-Year Plan, focusing on rapid industrialization and agricultural collectivization, which laid the groundwork for the Soviet Union’s economic transformation. Molotov’s career in foreign affairs began to take shape in the 1930s. He was appointed as the People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs in 1939, succeeding Maxim Litvinov. His appointment marked a significant shift in Soviet foreign policy, particularly as the regime sought to secure its borders and establish alliances. Molotov's early years in foreign affairs were characterized by a pragmatic approach to international relations driven by the Communist Party's ideological goals.

Ribbentrop sought to neutralize the threat of a two-front war for Germany by ensuring Soviet non-aggression, allowing Hitler to invade Poland without fear of Soviet intervention. The talks were conducted in secret and were characterized by mutual suspicion and a pragmatic approach to diplomacy. The Soviet leadership believed the pact would provide them with time to prepare for any future conflict with Germany, while Germany saw it as a means to secure its eastern flank. The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact was signed in Moscow on August 23, 1939. The agreement contained several key provisions. Both parties pledged not to attack each other or support any attack against the other for the duration of the pact. The most significant aspect of the pact was a series of secret protocols that delineated spheres of influence in Eastern Europe. They agreed on the division of Poland and the Baltic States, with the Soviets expected to gain control over the eastern regions, while Germany would take the west. Both nations agreed to facilitate economic relations, exchanging raw materials for industrial goods, establishing a framework for cooperation beyond mere military non-aggression. The signing of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact shocked the world. Many had expected the Soviet Union to align with Britain and France against Nazi aggression. You know who was the most shocked by this, the Empire of Japan.

Japan had been closely observing the rise of Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union’s communism with a mix of admiration and apprehension. Both countries were seen as ideologically opposed; fascism and communism were expected to be at odds rather than collaborating. The signing of the pact indicated a surprising willingness from both powers to overlook their ideological differences for mutual benefit. For Japan, this was alarming, as it suggested that both nations might coordinate their actions, potentially threatening Japanese interests in Asia. Japan had been engaged in territorial conflicts with the Soviet Union, particularly during the late 1930s, such as the battles of Lake Khasan and Khalkhin Gol. The Pact effectively meant that the Soviet Union would not oppose German military actions, allowing for a more aggressive stance from Germany without fear of a two-front war. This left Japan vulnerable, as the Soviet Union could now focus its military efforts elsewhere, potentially leading to increased tensions in the Asia-Pacific region. Japan had imperial ambitions in East Asia, particularly in China and the broader Pacific region. The Pact indicated that Germany and the Soviet Union were willing to agree upon spheres of influence in Eastern Europe, which could hint at future agreements in Asia as well. Japan had hoped for German support in its territorial expansions, particularly against the Soviet Union, which now seemed less likely. This realization prompted fears that Japan would face an increasingly isolated position as Germany cozied up to the Soviet Union.

The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact significantly shifted alliances and affected the dynamics of World War II. Japan was concerned that the weakening of Western powers relative to the strengthening of an Axis alliance, which included Germany and Italy, would lead to an intensifying race for dominance in Asia. Japan had been anticipating potential conflicts with Western powers, like the United States and Britain and worried that the Pact would embolden the Axis, making it harder to navigate its own imperial ambitions without facing coordinated opposition. In response to their shock and the evolving circumstances in Europe, Japan moved to solidify its own alliances. This led to the signing of the Tripartite Pact with Germany and Italy in September 1940, further entrenching itself in the Axis powers. However, Japan's initial reaction to the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact was one of concern and recalibration of its foreign policy, as it reshaped their military and diplomatic strategies in the face of newly apparent threats. On May 22nd, Hitler and Mussolini made an irrevocable decision to unite their nations and their destinies. Their foreign ministers announced a formal military alliance, known as the “Pact of Steel.” But why did Germany and Italy join forces?

Both Germany and Italy were governed by fascist regimes led by Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini, respectively. Their shared ideology centered around nationalism, militarism, and anti-communism, promoting the idea of powerful, authoritarian states. This ideological alignment fostered a sense of camaraderie and mutual support, as both leaders viewed their fascist principles as a bulwark against the spread of communism, particularly the Soviet Union. Germany and Italy also had aggressive expansionist aspirations. Hitler aimed to establish German dominance in Europe, seeking Lebensraum for the German people, particularly in Eastern Europe. Mussolini, inspired by the Roman Empire, desired to build a new Italian Empire, particularly in Africa and the Mediterranean region. The Pact of Steel provided a framework for cooperation in achieving these expansionist goals. It signified a commitment to support each other militarily in their respective pursuits.

In the years leading up to the war, both Germany and Italy faced increasing diplomatic isolation from the major Western powers, primarily Britain and France. Their attempts to expand their influence were met with opposition, pushing them closer together. The Pact was a response to this isolation, signaling a united front against Western democracies. By establishing a formal alliance, they aimed to strengthen their position and deter any potential intervention from Britain and France. The Pact of Steel included provisions for military cooperation, emphasizing mutual assistance in times of war and coordination in military strategy. This military alignment was crucial for both countries, as they sought to bolster their armed forces and enhance their military capabilities. Joint military planning and support were expected to give them an edge in any forthcoming conflicts. The Spanish Civil War also highlighted the necessity of military collaboration between Italy and Germany. Both countries intervened in support of Francisco Franco's Nationalists, sharing resources and strategies. Their involvement in Spain solidified their military partnership and demonstrated the benefits of cooperation, further paving the way for the Pact of Steel. The aftermath of the Treaty of Versailles had left Germany humiliated, while Italy felt denied the territorial gains promised to it after the war. Their shared grievances and the desire to overturn the post-World War I order created a foundation for their alliance, as both sought revenge and restoration of their national pride. Although this alliance would later prove to be a detrimental partnership, causing significant suffering for both sides, it was initially viewed positively as Hitler demonstrated to the Allies and the Soviet Union that he was ready for a full-scale war. Throughout the summer, there were ongoing discussions between the Soviets and Germans regarding a possible agreement. At the same time, the Japanese intensified their pressure on the Soviet Union in the Far East. By June, the Battle of Khalkin Gol was escalating, significantly raising tensions as the Soviets were resolute in their stance. Although the situation in the east remained tense by late July, it quickly stabilized. General Zhukov then finalized the details of the meticulously planned battle he had been preparing throughout the summer.

At this time, trade negotiations with Germany were reinitiated, with the understanding that a successful agreement could significantly impact the situation in Poland. Time was of the essence for everyone involved. Hitler had instructed the Wehrmacht to be ready to commence operations by September 1st. Britain and France had already pledged to defend Poland against Germany, yet their governments were still grappling with how to implement this commitment effectively. During this period, General Gamelin suggested that the French Army would be prepared to advance across the Rhine into Germany around September 16th. The British Army remained too small to play a substantial role in ground operations, but plans for a naval blockade against Germany were being developed. These plans were essentially reruns of the plans of the first world war. The Royal Navy’s blockade in that war had been effective, and the surface fleet of the Kreigsmarine was not the threat that the Imperial High Seas Fleet had been. The urgency of the situation was clear to all parties. Ultimately, Britain and France sent a military mission to coordinate with the Red Army’s leaders and establish a unified plan of action. However, they were too slow, lacked understanding of the vast country’s security needs, and were not willing to make the concessions Stalin required.

Hitler did not embody any of these characteristics. Discussions between the ambassadors and foreign ministers of the two dictatorships were progressing, with neither party eager to be the first to reach a decisive moment. By August 19, the Soviets had presented the German Ambassador with the preliminary terms of a non-aggression pact. This agreement was finalized with minimal alterations by August 23. The Allied military mission reacted with disbelief upon hearing the news. They informed their governments and began their journey back home. The non-aggression pact would later be referred to as the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, named after the foreign ministers of the two nations. At the time, a secret additional protocol was not disclosed. On the occasion of the signature of the Nonaggression Pact between the German Reich and the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics the undersigned plenipotentiaries of each of the two parties discussed in strictly confidential conversations the question of the boundary of their respective spheres of influence in Eastern Europe. These conversations led to the following conclusions:

1. In the event of a territorial and political rearrangement in the areas belonging to the Baltic States (Finland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania), the northern boundary of Lithuania shall represent the boundary of the spheres of influence of Germany and the U.S.S.R. In this connection the interest of Lithuania in the Vilna area is recognized by each party.
2. In the event of a territorial and political rearrangement of the areas belonging to the Polish state the spheres of influence of Germany and the U.S.S.R. shall be bounded approximately by the line of the rivers Narew, Vistula, and San.

The question of whether the interests of both parties make desirable the maintenance of an independent Polish state and how such a state should be bounded can only be definitely determined in the course of further political developments. In any event both Governments will resolve this question by means of a friendly agreement.

3. With regard to Southeastern Europe attention is called by the Soviet side to its interest in Bessarabia. The German side declares; its complete political disinterestedness in these areas.

This protocol shall be treated by both parties as strictly secret.

Despite the intense diplomatic efforts during the summer of 1939, the Soviet Union was readying itself to confront the Nazi regime in a life-and-death struggle. Soviet rearmament initiatives outlined in the five-year plans were designed to prepare the nation for a potentially devastating war with Germany. These plans were not yet finalized, and as noted, the modernization of the Soviet military was still in progress in 1939. The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact was viewed not as a lasting peace but as a strategy to buy time and create space to fortify the Western borders of Stalin's empire. Similarly, Hitler was focused on his own western boundaries, where he faced France and the UK.

Although this motivation was present, Stalin's Great Purge complicated these efforts and was partially driven by them. The purge was based on an alleged conspiracy in which high-ranking state and military officials were thought to be collaborating with the Nazis. A significant aspect of this conspiracy involved Marshal of the Soviet Union Mikhail Tukhachevsky, who was accused of conspiring with the Wehrmacht to overthrow Stalin and undermine the Soviet Union's defenses. This conspiracy theory was never substantiated, and Tukhachevsky was officially cleared of wrongdoing in 1957. This happened under the so-called “Khrushchev thaw” that happened after Khrushchev took power following Stalin’s death. This program was designed to ease internal tension after the years of terror under the former leader. Tukhachevsky was just one of millions of Stalin’s purge victims to be officially rehabilitated.

Nevertheless, there was considerable internal tension in the Soviet Union throughout the late 1930s regarding German interference. For Hitler, meddling in Soviet internal affairs was appealing, but instead of investing time, money, and resources to support potential plotters, he chose to let Stalin's paranoia escalate. The Nazi leadership recognized the purge's impact on the Red Army and allowed it to proceed. In fact, Hitler's famous misjudgment of the Soviet Union's resilience partly stemmed from overemphasizing reports regarding the damage inflicted on the state and military by the purges. Alongside this was reports from the Winter War with Finland that indicated to Hitler that the Red Army was a paper tiger. His remarks on the eve of Operation Barbarossa summarize his thoughts perfectly: “We have only to kick in the door and the whole rotten structure will come crashing down.” The Nazi government never denied its involvement in the purported conspiracy, and this silence only fueled the speculation. The most tangible involvement from Hitler's regime came not from his direct orders but from one of his subordinates, Reinhard Heydrich. Heydrich was one of the most notorious SS men in the entire Nazi regime. He organized Kristallnacht, the Einsatzgruppen death squads, and is considered the architect of the Final Solution. He became head of the SD or SicherheittsDienste, which was the intelligence office of the SS and was responsible as the principal non-military intelligence agency in the Nazi regime. At the Nuremberg trials, they were declared to be a criminal organization alongside the Gestapo. Their leader at the end of the War, Ernst Kaltenbrunner was hanged as a war criminal in 1946. As head of the SD, Heydrich created documents that implicated Tukhachevsky and others and ensured they were seized by the NKVD. The NKVD or People’s Commissariat for Internal Affairs was the security and secret police agency of the Soviet Union until its evolution into two different agencies in the late 1940s. The NKVD was responsible for many crimes, including the majority of the extra-judicial killings of Stalin’s purge. They are also responsible for the infamous Katyn Massacre and thousands of incidents of murder throughout the war. It remains unclear how much, if at all, Stalin relied on these documents in his decision-making regarding the purge.

Hitler was also in the midst of a purge, though it was less violent and extensive than the one occurring in the Soviet Union. Sixteen Wehrmacht generals were retired, and Hitler assumed control of the OKW, the unified general staff for the entire German military. This non-violent purge ousted then-War Minister General von Blomberg and the Army's commander-in-chief, General von Fritsch. General von Blomberg was retired in disgrace over allegations that his new wife was a former prostitute. He sat out the entire war. He eventually testified at the Nuremberg trials, but was not charged.

Both men opposed Hitler’s complete control over the military and had expressed disagreements with his policy of provoking the British and French, fearing that such confrontations could lead to a war Germany could not win. They were joined by several other senior Wehrmacht leaders. Many of these individuals continued to support Hitler after the diplomatic successes of 1938 and the military victories of 1939. This is not to overlook the Oster plot, which implicated dozens of senior officers but failed to go through with any action. As well, the 20 July Plot of 1944 also involved many senior officers but few if any of the conspirator’s escaped punishment or suicide in the aftermath of that coup attempt. This reshuffle did not reach the scale of Stalin’s purges, primarily because Hitler recognized the potential military consequences of such an initiative. The total Nazification of the Wehrmacht was a more gradual process aimed at systematically eliminating politically unreliable officers while trying to win over those who could be bribed. In fact, bribery of Army generals became a formal, though unofficial, policy in 1940.

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The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact shocked the entire world. In many ways it came about because of numerous failures between many nations trying to find a way to thwart Germany’s aggressive actions. Ironically in the end the pact would prove to be a tool that Germany would use to enact the war in the east.